Language Studies

Abstract Abstract
 The configuration and positioning of Iranian myths can introduce us to the place of these myths among the myths of different nations. The special and very influential position of Iranian myths has made these myths an exceptional and difficult figure that can be seen in the myths of other nations. Iranian myths can be used as a key to understanding other myths because there is no concept, theme, or feature that is missing in Iranian myths. This article emphasizes on three themes, the origin and functions of Iranian myths based on modern mythological studies. The characteristics of Iranian mythology and knowing its mythological sources and its foundations, a general picture of Iranian myths has been obtained in this article. In the text of this article, the study of Iranian mythological geography and the division of Iranian myths into old and new, the foundations and special characteristics of Iranian mythology and Finally, the recognition of mythological sources emphasizes. Proving independence and being stable based on Iranian ideas and beliefs and opposing any copying of Iranian mythology are among the things he mentioned in this article.
Introduction
According to the opinions of mythologists of the 19th and 20th centuries about the concept of myth, a precise definition of this word has not been found so far. But the researchers tried to provide a precise definition by examining the origin, thematics and mythological functions. It seems that the thinkers of this field were able to achieve this definition in the 20th century, although the opposition continues, but they have accepted that myth is acceptable and inevitable for all human societies. Iranian myths, which is the most important part of this article, is considered one of the most challenging and controversial myths of the nations due to the wide range of topics and numerous and scattered criticisms, and this article is trying to find a way to know the characteristics, functions and divisions of myths. make Iranian mythology smooth.
Materials and research method
In addition to the introduction, which deals with the general topics of mythology, this article deals with the four main topics of knowing and investigating the geography of Iranian myths, dividing Iranian myths into old and new, the foundations and special characteristics of Iranian mythology, and finally, the knowledge of mythological sources. In the study of the geography of Iranian myths, firstly, the natural geographical position of Iran and the importance of this position as a cultural crossing between the three cultures of the Mesopotamia, Trans-Nether and Indus have been discussed, and then this geographical position has been examined from the mythological point of view. Collecting first-hand and reliable sources in the field of Iranian mythology and categorizing these sources based on the topic of which part of Iranian mythology each of these works are concerned with has been considered in the research method. In the third part, which is the examination of the main themes and special features of Iranian mythology, it is given as the most important part of the article.
Discussions
 In this first article, the general discussions and opinions of the mythologists of the 19th and 20th centuries and their views on the word myth and giving a precise and scientific definition of it are given in the introduction of the article. The second is the discussion of the main titles, which was first discussed about the natural geographical location and then the mythological geography. The position of the land of Iran in Iranian mythology is in the middle region, i.e. Bloody. Therefore, the land of Iranwij has a privileged position in mythology, because from a mythological point of view, being in the middle of Iran can mean that it is important in creation.
The third topic of this article is the author's comments about the characteristics and foundations of Iranian mythology. Features such as flexibility, purposefulness, dualism, choice and free will, preciousness of material life, etc., he considered Iranian mythology to be rare among the myths of nations in terms of structure, or perhaps unique.
The fourth discussion is about the division of Iranian myths. This article has divided these myths into two parts, new and old. In the old part, they still maintain their cultural and religious affiliations with the Aryan tribes before the migration. These myths are generally designed in the form of cosmic battles and natural phenomena, the battle of gods and amazing actions and breaking the habit that show manifestations of the power and violence of nature, while in the new myths that are based on written and oral sources in the form of a coherent plan and It is presented as a single set. Mythological sources are mostly Zoroastrian, although sometimes there is a mixture of other religions or beliefs such as Zoroastrianism, Manoism and Christianity.
The fifth topic is sourceology and the sources are divided into Iranian and non-Iranian groups. Non-Iranian sources mainly due to cultural and ethnic commonalities include Indian, Manuscript, Islamic and Arabic sources and Iranian sources such as Avesta texts, Pahlavi language and other texts that have been widely discussed.
Conclusion
The first targeted point is to reach a complete and inclusive model of myths in the form of Iranian myths because this model can only be seen in Iranian myths. Mentioning the essences and characteristics of Iranian mythology provides a platform for understanding that mythological commonalities should not lead us in a wrong direction and false belief and let us accept that Iranian myths are copied from other nations, especially West Asian nations. Defending independence in processing and presenting Iranian myths is the main and ultimate goal of this article because the author believes that the wisdom of Iranians is quite evident even in the formation of their myths.

Abstract Abstract
The Azerbaijani Turkish language, due to its proximity to the Persian language, has been influenced by it; not only lexical units but also grammatical elements have entered the borrowing language and have subsequently undergone phonological, semantic, and syntactic changes (Mahmoudi, 2021, p.3). One of the elements that has entered Azerbaijani Turkish is the particle ki. In Azerbaijani Turkish, the element ki is used not only as a relative pronoun and complementizer but also as a focus marker. In this study, we will first examine the particle ke in Persian, and then analyze its representation in the target language, Azerbaijani Turkish. After analyzing its discourse function as a focus marker, we will draw tree diagrams for it based on the Minimalist Program.
Key words: Azeri Turkish, focalization, focus, focus marker, topicalization

Introduction

Azerbaijani Turkish also uses a focus marker to indicate the prominence of a given constituent. In the following, we will focus solely on the representation of the focus marker kɪ in Azerbaijani Turkish. This study aims to answer the following questions: "What is the representation of the focus marker kɪ in Azerbaijani Turkish?" and "Is the movement of a constituent to the beginning of the sentence in Azerbaijani Turkish for focalization or topicalization?"

Materials & Methods

In this study, the representation of the element ki in Azerbaijani Turkish was investigated. For data collection, plays, series, and films in Turkish broadcast on the local Ishraq network of Zanjan were used. Every sentence containing the element ki was extracted and categorized based on the linguistic intuition of the authors. As will be discussed in the data analysis section, the element ki in Azerbaijani Turkish can function both as a complementizer and as a relative pronoun. Also, similar to Persian, ki can act as a focus marker; it can attach to multiple constituents and focus them in situ. An interview method was also used to collect data: native Zanjani speakers, particularly in the adult age range (40–70 years), were given Persian sentences containing the element (ki) and were asked to translate them into fluent Turkish. The reason younger generations were not used was that they tend to speak Persian more and are more influenced by it. To minimize this influence, the adult age group was asked to cooperate. As mentioned, both field and library methods were used in the present research. For collecting theoretical and descriptive background studies, the library method was primarily used. All transcriptions in this research were prepared according to the 2005 edition of the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). Furthermore, the focus-marked sentences involving the element ki were analyzed within the framework of the Minimalist Program.

Discussion and Results

As outlined in the introduction and data analysis, Azerbaijani Turkish is influenced by Persian in certain respects. Various elements in Turkish are borrowed from Persian. One such borrowing is the element ki, which functions as a complementizer, relative pronoun, and focus marker. As mentioned earlier, the research data were collected from various sources, including films and local TV series from Zanjan, as well as interviews with elderly residents of Zanjan. Participants were given sentences in Persian and asked to express them fluently in Turkish. As stated in the introduction, the Persian focus marker ke can attach to any constituent—regardless of its syntactic role or information structure (whether new or given)—and highlight it (Oroji, 2012; Oroji & Rezaei, 2013). Similarly, in Azerbaijani Turkish, it was shown that the focus marker ki can attach to any constituent and highlight it. As Mahmoudi (2021) also asserts, the constituent marked with ki will carry contrastive focus. Contrastive focus is marked by the features [+new, +prominent] (Rasakh-Mohand, 2003). However, as previously shown, contrastive focus may also carry old information (Oroji, 2012). Examples and diagrams 25 to 30 demonstrated that various constituents—including subject, object, locative adverbials, temporal adverbials, and even entire sentences—can take the focus marker ki and become highlighted. Additionally, noun phrases, prepositional phrases, and verbs can be used with the ki element.

Conclusions

Thus, as in Persian (Oroji, 2012), in Turkish any constituent can be highlighted in-situ by this focus marker. Based on sentence 30, it can be said that the ki-marked constituent is first highlighted in place and then moves to the specifier position of the topic node for further prominence. This is because, beyond greater prominence, it becomes a topic, making the rest of the sentence about it (Lambrecht, 1994). That is, the topicalized constituent can also be the focus, and being a topic and focus are not mutually exclusive. However, based on the principle of linguistic economy and the application of Occam’s Razor to redundancy, and contrary to the views of Rizzi (2001) and Karimi (2005), the presence of both topic and focus nodes at the beginning of a sentence is not economical. Instead, one can assume a single functional node—the topic node—in the left periphery. The findings of this study confirm those of Oroji (2012), Oroji & Rezaei (2013), and Adrang (2019).
 

Abstract Abstract
in ascetic and gnostic religions which encourage the abandonment of all pleasures and benefits of material life, agriculture is among the activities that should be abandoned; this view reaches its peak in Manichaean religion with the prohibition of agriculture for the electi. In this article, we intend to introduce and study Manichaean parables and texts containing agricultural motifs. Through describing the position of agriculture in Manichaean society and studying its literary use, we aim to compare the positive usages of the motif of agriculture in Manichaean literary texts with those orders which do not consider it as positive.
 
Keywords: Manichaean religion, Manichaean literature, agriculture, farmer, Parable
 
Introduction
Manichaeism is classified as a "book" religion, founded by an Mani who meticulously documented its rules and beliefs in written texts. The followers of this tradition have also engaged in the preservation of these works, viewing it as a religious obligation. Given the significant role of social life depicted within these writings, we chose to explore "agriculture" as a key aspect of Iranian social life. In this article, we analyze fragments that vividly illustrate rural life and agricultural activities, such as sowing seeds, harvesting crops, threshing grains, and potentially irrigating farmland. These descriptions appear to reflect the daily lives of believers and are worthy of clear attention, despite the understanding that agriculture was deemed undesirable and prohibited among the Manichaeans. This contradiction between the doctrines and the allegorical references raises the question of whether the agricultural motif was employed because these fragments pertain to non-believers (kafirs) or if it was used with a positive connotation. We will explore the characteristics of the agricultural motif found in Manichaean texts and examine how this theme was utilized, as it can greatly contribute to understanding and analyzing the methods of Manichaean propaganda.
 
Materials & Methods
The foundation of our study consists of two nearly complete Parthian allegories, both titled “Speech about the Unbelievers,” as published by Colditz (2011). The first allegory is a Parthian text made up of fragments M 499, M 706, and M 334b. It commences with an introduction to the allegory, which is structured similarly to Manichaean sermons. The theme appears to revolve around the two foundations, particularly highlighting the consequences stemming from the realm of darkness. This parable illustrates how the power of darkness adversely affects the souls of its followers, trapping them in the cycle of rebirth. The second parable consists of two fragments, M 332 and M 724, which converge at the break between lines 9 and 10. It recounts a farming tale in which a farmer sows good seed and initially harvests a bountiful yield. However, as time passes, he neglects the land or is unable to tend to it, allowing thorns and weeds to overtake the area. Subsequently, someone introduces poison, ultimately rendering the plants harmful. This land lies along the path of passersby, who are split into two groups: the sighted and the blind. The sighted consume only the healthy grains, while the blind partake of the poisonous fruits, ignoring the thorns and disregarding the warnings from the sighted, firmly believing that the land still produces good crops as it did in the past. Additionally, we conducted a more detailed investigation into other Manichaean texts for similar allegories and motifs, discovering two Middle Persian fragments, a Parthian fragment, as well as examples from Coptic and Greek texts that address agricultural themes.
 
 
Discussion & Result
In the two allegories discussed above, both the farmer and the various activities related to agriculture, as well as the products derived from it, are addressed. One significant element is the farmer himself, who, in several passages, is identified with Mani, the Manichaean elect, as well as the prophets and apostles. When interpreting the agricultural landscape, it is advisable to align with Sundermann’s interpretation of fragment M 500 c, which he regards as a Manichaean church or Manistān. In the examined texts, all three primary activities of sowing, threshing, and harvesting are mentioned, though they are not all given equal emphasis. Notably, the Coptic Kephalion I provides a detailed discussion of all three activities. Additionally, the seed is associated with positive attributes of virtue and abundance, suggesting that, given favorable and fertile land, it will yield a fruitful crop.
The elements related to agriculture found in various Manichaean texts create a distinct discursive system that places the seed or grain at its core. In the allegories we have analyzed, the acts of sowing and harvesting this seed hold particular significance. Sowing the seed symbolizes the propagation and spread of religion, while the harvested grain can be regarded as the codes of light encapsulated within particles of matter. Here, the grain represents what must be disseminated and cultivated for light to triumph over darkness. Consequently, agriculture serves as a practice that fosters the spread and strengthening of religion, ultimately laying the foundation for light. Thus, farmers embody virtuous individuals, ranging from the selfish to the chosen ones, who strive toward this ideal. Their success, however, hinges on the quality and suitability of the land they cultivate. Furthermore, just as a field encounters challenges and difficulties without a farmer's care, a religious community may experience internal conflicts and distortions following the prophet's departure.
Conclusion
It appears that the Manichaeans, despite the religious restrictions surrounding agriculture, utilized it as a tool and a means of propaganda to convey their teachings, capitalizing on the audience's familiarity with and understanding of agricultural concepts. Analyzing their use of this theme reveals a predominantly positive connotation. Although the two parables from Parthia focus on unbelievers and infidels, the effectiveness of employing the agricultural motif does not seem to be undermined. It is likely that the social significance of agriculture, especially in societies dominated by agricultural economies, along with the general public’s familiarity with the subject, were key factors in its selection for inclusion in Manichaean texts. Ultimately, the clarity and comprehension of the topic seem to have been prioritized over any positive or negative implications associated with it.
 

Abstract Abstract
This study adopts a multidimensional approach to examine the representation of gender bias in twenty selected films from Iranian social movies across four decades (1980s–2010s). Drawing on Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis for the linguistic dimension and Kress and van Leeuwen’s Visual Design Grammar for the visual dimension, 200 dialogue-centered scenes between male and female characters were analyzed. The findings reveal a clear male-dominated pattern in the 1980s, with full control over both language and image. In the 1990s, women appeared more frequently on screen, yet their linguistic agency remained limited. The 2000s marked a relative balance, with more diverse roles and increased female participation in both dialogue and visual representation. However, the 2010s witnessed a paradoxical shift: although women occupied central positions on screen, their linguistic agency declined and narratives continued to be structured from a predominantly male perspective. Overall, the study demonstrates that Iranian social movies simultaneously reflects and reproduces the socio-cultural dynamics of each decade, while continuously reconfiguring both explicit and implicit mechanisms of male dominance.
Keywords: Critical Discourse Analysis, Gender, Gender Bias, Iranian Social Movies, Visual Design Grammar.
Introduction
Language and image are two primary tools for representing social reality, particularly in cinema, where they function to interpret, reconstruct, and assign meaning to the world. As a cultural and ideological discourse, cinema extends beyond entertainment and plays a fundamental role in shaping social norms, values, and cognitive frameworks. One of its most significant representational dimensions is gender. Through dialogue and visual imagery, cinema can reinforce or challenge gender stereotypes. Iranian social movies, due to its close engagement with sociocultural and political transformations, provides a valuable context for examining representations of women and men and the gender biases embedded within them .Gender roles in cinema are not merely reflections of social reality but discursive constructions produced through language, visual representation, and dominant ideologies. Gender bias emerges when women and men are positioned unequally in terms of agency, power, and narrative centrality, and it may manifest in both linguistic and visual dimensions. This study investigates patterns of gender-role representation in twenty Iranian social films produced between the 1980s and the 2010s, drawing on Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis (1995) and Kress and van Leeuwen’s Grammar of Visual Design (2021). It examines linguistic indicators of power—such as interruptions, imperative and obligational constructions, and interrogatives—as well as visual elements including actor roles, viewing angle, and salience. By integrating linguistic and visual analysis, the study seeks to determine how gender bias has been represented in Iranian social movies across four decades, how linguistic and visual agency are distributed between female and male characters, and how these patterns can be interpreted in relation to dominant sociocultural and ideological discourses of each period.
Materials and Methods
The data were extracted from both verbal (dialogue) and visual (shot-based) levels. The research sample consists of twenty Iranian social films, with five films selected from each decade between the 1980s and the 2010s, based on rankings from recognized film databases. From each film, ten dialogue-centered sequences featuring interactions between female and male characters were selected. In total, 200 sequences containing 3,257 clauses were analyzed, representing approximately 3.5 hours of film content. To control for the effect of differences in scene length, the analyses were carried out using the proportion of female and male characters’ verbal and visual presence. At the linguistic level, the “clause” was selected as the unit of analysis, following Halliday’s Systemic Functional Linguistics, which considers the clause the smallest grammatical unit containing a main verb. At the visual level, the “shot” was used as the unit of analysis, defined as the continuous recording from the activation to the termination of the camera.
Results and Discussion
Analysis of four decades of Iranian social movies shows that language and image do not operate in parallel; instead, patterns of explicit bias, relative balance, and implicit bias emerge across periods. The 1980s display overt patriarchal dominance, with women marginalized and men controlling both dialogue and visual action. In the 1990s, women gain visual visibility but remain linguistically marginalized, indicating a gap between visibility and discursive power. The 2000s mark a period of relative balance, as women achieve greater agency in both speech and visual representation. In the 2010s, implicit bias reappears: women are visually foregrounded yet remain limited in narrative progression through language. Linguistic evidence further shows that confrontational questioning by female characters may paradoxically reinforce implicit bias by relying on self-deprecating language. Moreover, women’s agency often remains framed within stereotypical roles, with narratives frequently portraying them as reacting to male domination. This pattern normalizes male authority and suggests that increased visibility has not produced fundamental change in gender representation.
Conclusion
Findings show persistent gender bias, varying from overt male dominance in the 1980s to subtle visual prominence of women but reduced linguistic agency in the 2010s. Men guided the narrative across all decades, particularly at the verbal level, whereas women were primarily confined to visual presence. Gender representation closely mirrored political and cultural shifts: male-centered ideology in the 1980s, reformist social openings in the 1990s, growing civil engagement in the 2000s, and “representational duality” in the 2010s. The study underscores that increased visual visibility of women does not guarantee enhanced narrative agency, indicating that latent gender biases persist beneath surface-level changes.

Abstract Abstract This study investigates “the economy as a living organism” metaphor in Iranian economic discourse. The research data consist of metaphorical expressions grounded in this conceptual metaphor, extracted from the economic discourse of several domestic Persian-language newspapers (including Donya-ye Eqtesad, Jahan-e San’at, SAMT, Eqtesad-e Melli, and Tejarat) over a four-month period from Khordad to Shahrivar 1404 (June–September 2025). The data were analyzed within the framework of Conceptual Metaphor Theory (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980) and the Critical Metaphor Analysis approach (Charteris-Black, 2004). The findings indicate that this metaphor, functioning as a higher-order conceptual key, plays a fundamental role in conceptualizing Iran’s economic conditions and its numerous challenges, largely due to the richness of its source domain (i.e., the living organism). In this conceptualization, various aspects of the existence and life of a living being—particularly a human—including body parts, actions and behaviors, states of health and illness, characteristics, and the actions performed upon living beings, are employed through diverse metaphorical expressions to represent different dimensions of the economy and economic processes. The results further suggest that “the economy as a living organism” metaphor has cognitive, emotional, persuasive, and ideological functions within economic discourse. Keywords: Conceptual metaphor, economic discourse, metaphorical conceptualization, Critical Metaphor Analysis, Critical Discourse Analysis 1. Introduction Metaphor is among the essential conceptual and linguistic tools for articulating and communicating economic and financial issues and events, and it is widely used in media texts. Extensive empirical studies conducted within the cognitive linguistics approach indicate that metaphor plays a fundamental role in the domain of economics, just as it does in other significant areas of human life. In fact, a considerable portion of our economic thinking is metaphorically grounded, and we comprehend many economic concepts based on metaphor. One of the most important and frequently studied conceptual metaphors in economic language and discourse is the “ECONOMY AS A LIVING ORGANISM” metaphor, in which concepts from the domain of living beings are mapped onto the domain of economics (see, for example, Charteris-Black and Ennis, 2001; White, 2003; Wang et al., 2013; Domaradzki, 2016). The aim of the present study is to examine the conceptual metaphor “ECONOMY AS A LIVING ORGANISM” within a corpus of Persian data in order to determine how this metaphor is manifested in Persian economic discourse and what role it plays in conceptualizing various economic and financial issues and topics. 2. Materials & Methods The research data, which comprise a corpus of metaphorical expressions based on the aforementioned conceptual metaphor, have been extracted from the headlines and articles of several Persian-language domestic newspapers (e.g., Donya-e-Eqtesad, Jahan-e-Sanat, Samat, Eqtesad-e-Melli, Tejarat) over a four-month period from early June to late September 2025. These data are analyzed based on Conceptual Metaphor Theory (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980; Lakoff, 1993) and the Critical Metaphor Analysis approach (Charteris-Black, 2004). The central research questions are as follows: 1) How is the conceptual metaphor “ECONOMY AS A LIVING ORGANISM” manifested in the economic discourse of the domestic press? 2) What role does this metaphor play in economic discourse? 3. Discussion & Results The metaphorical expressions based on the personification of the economy, which themselves constitute linguistic metaphors and numerous examples of which have been provided in the data, correspond at a higher level to several conceptual metaphors, including: “THE BAD STATE OF IRAN'S ECONOMY IS THE POOR HEALTH OF A LIVING BEING/PERSON,” “ECONOMIC PROBLEMS ARE ILLNESS,” “ECONOMIC REFORM IS TREATMENT,” “THE DESTRUCTIVE ECONOMIC AGENT IS A VIRUS,” “LARGE COMPANIES ARE LARGE LIVING BEINGS (E.G., GIANTS),” and “THE ECONOMY IS A HUMAN.” In the personification metaphors within the economic domain, what is highlighted above any other feature or aspect is the unfavorable economic situation of Iran, which is conceptualized through the health status of a living being and is manifested in numerous words and expressions such as coma, comatose, sick/ill, wound, lifeless, last breaths, and weak pulse. The second most prominent theme, though less prominent than the first, concerns the government's efforts to improve Iran's economic situation—efforts that nevertheless appear futile or ineffective, expressed through expressions such as surgery, treatment, and painkiller. These metaphors embody a particular framing; that is, they conceptualize Iran economics within a specific framework intended by the media or journalist, thereby unconsciously influencing the audience's mindset and attitude toward the country's economic conditions. Metaphors inherently entail framing and evaluation, and a significant portion of this framing and evaluation is achieved through the two processes of highlighting and hiding. It seems that the most important theme marginalized or concealed within the conceptual key “ECONOMY AS A LIVING ORGANISM” and its subordinate conceptual metaphors is the role of human agents and the decisions or policies of individuals or institutions in determining the economic situation and conditions. When we conceptualize the economy as a living organism, including a human being, we unconsciously attribute to it a natural process of development. Within this natural process, stages such as birth, growth, and death, as well as states such as illness and health, are considered integral parts of the economy's life cycle. Consequently, the factors responsible for bringing about these stages and states—factors that are largely political and economic individuals and institutions—are pushed to the margins. 4. Conclusion An examination of how the metaphor “ECONOMY AS A LIVING ORGANISM” manifests itself in a corpus of Persian data in this study reveals that this metaphor, which in fact constitutes a conceptual key (i.e., an overarching or superordinate conceptual metaphor), plays a significant role in conceptualizing Iran's economic situation and its numerous problems due to the richness of its source domain. This source domain encompasses various dimensions of life as well as diverse physical and behavioral characteristics of living organisms, particularly humans. In this conceptualization, various aspects—including body parts of the living organism, its actions and behaviors, its various states, its attributes, the entirety of a living organism, and even actions that we perform upon living organisms—are employed in the form of various metaphorical words and expressions to articulate different dimensions of the economy and economic processes. One of the important consequences of the “ECONOMY AS A LIVING ORGANISM” metaphor is the naturalization of economic crises. When we speak of a sick economy, the pain of industry, the summer slumber of the housing market, the gradual death of the garment industry, and the last breaths of production, the economic crisis is portrayed not as a product of government policies and decisions, institutional structures, or power relations, but rather as a biological affliction or a natural process. This type of conceptualization unintentionally (or perhaps intentionally) downplays the responsibility of accountable institutions and human agents, thereby reducing the potential for accountability and critique. Another consequence of personifying the economy is that the economy is transformed into a subject endowed with feeling and agency, as in expressions such as sick economy, lifeless housing market, and vulnerable stock market. On the one hand, these framings aid public understanding (cognitive function), but on the other hand, they turn the economy into a quasi-human entity possessing will and internal states. Under such circumstances, complex structural economic relations give way to emotional narratives (affective function). This emotionalization can serve a persuasive function in the press, as it evokes greater empathy from the audience. For instance, the audience can more easily relate to lifeless housing market or last breaths of production than to decline in property transactions or decline in production rates.